This article originally appeared at TomDispatch.com. To receive TomDispatch in your inbox three times a week, click here.
Think about it. Next time around, Donald Trump would essentially be able to do anything. Anything. As long, of course, as he’s president of these increasingly (dis-)United States. And for that version of reality, he can thank the Supreme Court, the very one he empowered with those three court selections of his. In its most recent presidential decision, that court turned a future President Trump into something new: as Justice Sonya Sotomayor suggested ominously (“With fear for our democracy, I dissent”), “a king above the law”; or, if you prefer your history to start not just before the American revolution but elsewhere, as Justice Elena Kagan suggested in her dissenting opinion on another recent decision by those six right-wing justices, that court is turning itself into “the country’s administrative czar.”
You might even consider experimenting with a new title for The Donald: Czar Trump the Great. If Sotomayor is right, he’ll even be able to order his troops to assassinate a political rival without the slightest fear of ending up in court, no less in jail. Next time around (if there is a next time and Joe Biden’s recent grim debate performance suggests that there well might be), any whim or terrible thought of his could indeed become our reality without the slightest fear of future prosecution. Thanks to “his” Supreme Court, he will essentially be able to do anything — anything — his heart (if he has one) desires with “absolute immunity.” And Donald Trump has been nothing if not grimly whimsical. The first time around, he was certainly the president of the rich and beyond-well-to-do. Next time, he would surely repeat that experience and since his election “coalition” was and remains, as TomDispatch regular Clarence Lusane makes vividly clear today, a distinctly white nationalist one, I wouldn’t count on anything he promises Black or Hispanic voters to happen, not for a second.
As Lusane explains, his next time around is certain to be a white racist presidency of the first order (even if his vice-presidential choice does turn out to be Senator Tim Scott). But let Lusane explain. Tom
Other Racists, That’s Who!
Former president Donald Trump often finds himself on the defensive against accusations of racism. He regularly denies the charges, distorting his record and resorting to his “Black friends” defense, while attempting to throw the allegations back at liberals. However, he never explains why he is the favorite son of the one group in society about whose racial bigotry there can be no debate: avowed racists.
Since Trump emerged as a public political figure, they have been resolute in their loyalty to him. Are Trump’s African American allies like Senator Tim Scott or Representative Byron Donalds, or Latino ones like Senator Marco Rubio, truly ignorant of his unapologetically racist champions? Or is their blind ambition to share a ticket with him (or be close to power) simply more important to them?
In 2016, when Donald Trump first ran for president, just about every self-declared white nationalist, white supremacist, Klansman, neo-Nazi, and fascist in the country supported his candidacy. And that’s no exaggeration.
One of the longest-running white nationalist journals in the United States, American Renaissance, is edited by notorious racist Jared Taylor. In January 2016, during the primary race in Iowa, he circulated a robocall that stated, “I urge you to vote for Donald Trump because he is the one candidate who points out that we should accept immigrants who are good for America. We don’t need Muslims. We need smart, well-educated White people who will assimilate to our culture. Vote Trump.”
Trump was also cheered on by the Ku Klux Klan’s official newspaper, The Crusader, which calls itself the “Political Voice of White Christian America.” Though it said that it wasn’t necessarily endorsing Trump, its urge to ally with him was all too clear. Under the front-page headline banner “Make America Great Again,” Pastor Thomas Robb wrote, “While Trump wants to make America great again, we have to ask ourselves, ‘What made America great in the first place?’ The short answer to that is simple. America was great not because of what our forefathers did — but because of who our forefathers were… America was founded as a White Christian Republic. And as a White Christian Republic it became great.”
And then there was the David Duke crisis. On February 24, 2016, Duke, the Grand Wizard of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, stated to his white radio audience, “Voting against Donald Trump at this point is really treason to your heritage.” When Trump was later asked on CNN about his support from the then-most-famous racist in the nation, his reply was “Well, just so you understand, I don’t know anything about David Duke. OK? I don’t know anything about what you’re even talking about with white supremacy or white supremacists. So, I don’t know.” Not exactly an unequivocal denunciation.
And not true in the least. Trump, who claims the best brain and greatest memory on earth, suddenly got amnesia when it came to the way he had spoken out against Duke in 1991 when that figure ran for governor of Louisiana, and, in 2000, when Trump rejected affiliation with the Reform Party in part because of its links to Duke. At the time, he called Duke a “bigot” and a “racist.”
Trump conveniently forgot that past history of his during that CNN interview, as he clearly calculated the nature of his base and where it overlapped with Duke’s. After blaming a faulty earpiece (which, curiously enough, seemed to work fine for the rest of the interview) and evidently fearing swift blowback, Trump rejected Duke’s support the next day.
Duke, however, was undeterred and continued to back him in an enthusiastic fashion. After the election, he even tweeted, “Make no mistake about it, our people played a HUGE role in electing Trump!”
Other racists celebrated as well. At a gathering in Washington, D.C., Richard Spencer, leader of the white supremacist alt-right movement, declared: “Hail Trump, hail our people, hail victory!” He was speaking to a crowd of nearly 200, many of whom responded with Nazi salutes. You won’t be surprised to know that they expressed no confusion about what Trump represented.
“Stand Back and Stand By”
In August 2017, within months of being in office, the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, produced a clear opportunity for Trump to denounce racists, Neo-Nazis, and Klansmen who marched to the chants of “White lives matter“ and “Jews will not replace us.” Instead, unlike nearly every other elected official on the national scene, Democrat or Republican, he flubbed his response. After a press conference or two, where he equivocated and went off-script to wax admiringly about “very fine people on both sides,” he ultimately denounced the far-right racists. However, he pointedly agreed with their demand that generated the march in the first place — their objection to the removal of the statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee from a city park. Trump has decried the dismantling of Lee statues on a number of occasions, including in Charlottesville, where he called it “sad” and “so foolish.”
In 2020, after four years in office, he arguably received even stronger and more violent support from his far-right and white nationalist backers. Those years included his anti-(that is, non-white) immigrant fight to “build the wall” on the U.S.-Mexican border, his rejection of immigrants from the “shithole countries” of the global South, the aspersions he cast on Black-dominated cities, and his endless racist statements about Black athletes, elected officials, women, and protesters.
Then, of course, during the 2020 election campaign, far-right extremist groups like the Proud Boys, the Oath Keepers, the Three Percenters, the Boogaloo Boys, and others — many with openly racist members in their ranks — rallied around Trump and became his frontline soldiers after he lost. He famously told the Proud Boys to “stand back and stand by,” but not to stand down. They showed up at most “Stop the Steal” events and were front and center during the January 6th insurrection, where Black police officers reported being called the “n-word.” Trump now refers to that same crew as “warriors” and “patriots,” ignoring the Confederate flags, anti-Semitic symbols, racial slurs, and nooses that were ubiquitous that day.
In 2020, some in the racist community were smarter in signaling their support for Trump without formally endorsing him. David Duke, however, once again unabashedly came out for him, while suggesting that disgraced media propagandist and ex-Fox News host Tucker Carlson be added to the ticket as his vice-presidential choice. Carlson seemed like a particularly sensible possibility to Duke because, even while at Fox, he had been a proponent of the “white replacement theory,” the argument that undocumented (and even documented) immigrants of color are part of a larger conspiracy by unidentified liberals and Democrats to supplant white Americans and white American culture with something distinctly (and all too literally) darker and more disturbing. Of course, Trump subscribed to that thesis as well.
The “Anti-White-Feeling” Former President
In 2024, there is little doubt who the nation’s racists will once again be backing for president. Only recently, Trump spewed lies and misrepresentations at a — yes! — white-dominated gathering in an obscure Black church in Detroit, while denouncing that city as “hell” and “totally corrupt,” and describing black communities as dangerous and depressed. He did not, however, repeat for that crowd and representatives of the national media present that day his pledge to address so-called anti-white racism or to make it a priority should he become president again. As he said in a Time magazine interview, “If you look right now, there’s absolutely a bias against white (people) and that’s a problem.” He offered no examples of that “problem,” but it fit in squarely with the belief of 58% of his supporters that “racial minorities” are favored over whites in the United States.
Trump also claims that he is a victim of anti-white racism from “radical vicious, racist prosecutors” in Georgia, New York, and Washington, D.C. They are going after him, he insists, simply because he’s a white man and not because he committed any actual crimes.
Trump will undoubtedly continue to claim again and again, all too disingenuously, that “I don’t have a racist bone in my body,” but the folks who unabashedly support him to the hilt certainly think otherwise. The Trump campaign faces the awkward and inconvenient truth that he has never lost the full-scale support of the nation’s most hardcore racists.
And no wonder! No matter how often he pretends to be free of bigotry, his racist worldview manifests itself at every turn. In his recent “debate” with President Joe Biden, Trump made his usual hateful statements against immigrants (of color) and added that they are “taking black jobs now and it could be 18. It could be 19 and even 20 million people. They’re taking black jobs and they’re taking Hispanic jobs and you haven’t seen it yet, but you’re going to see something that’s going to be the worst in our history.”
By “black jobs” and “Hispanic jobs,” of course, he was referring to his belief that only certain kinds of work define those communities. It should be taken for granted that he wasn’t referring to engineers, lawyers, office managers, professors, veterinarians, or any positions of a professional or middle-class nature. He sees Black Americans and Latinos as nothing but the lowest-paid, lowest-status workers in America.
In fact, Trump never has anything genuinely positive to say about the Black community, which he sees — just to start down a list — as crime-ridden, dirty, and rodent-infested. Nor does he ever identify any of the groups or individuals in such communities who are working on solutions to the issues they face. That doesn’t fit the view of the former president and many of his followers that communities of color are linked only to dysfunction, decay, and (implicitly) inferiority.
Naturally, Trump was wrong on all counts. First, there is no evidence (and, of course, Trump didn’t present any) that immigrants are taking jobs from Black and Latino Americans. As the Washington Post noted, “The Black unemployment rate remains near historic lows and wage gains are at all-time highs.” In fact, the lowest Black employment on record occurred under President Biden when, in April 2023, it fell to 4.8%.
In addition, unlike Trump’s implication that Black people only occupy low-level manual labor jobs, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, almost half of all African Americans work in professional, management, or office jobs. That would undoubtedly be a revelation to Trump, since in the dozens of businesses he’s started, very few Blacks and Latinos are ever found in high-level or professional positions.
Rather than let Trump get away with his endless series of canards on race in America, interviewers should ask him some pointed questions that are simply never asked in Trump-friendly or Trump-fearful media venues. Three come to mind: Why do you continue to receive such wholehearted support from avowed racists? What is the “anti-white racism” (or “anti-white feeling“) that you so often talk about and why do you consider it more of an issue than racial discrimination against communities of color? Why should Black voters in Atlanta, Detroit, Milwaukee, and Philadelphia, among other places, vote for someone who spent weeks after the 2020 election desperately attempting to disqualify their votes?
Trump does not deserve a single Black or Hispanic vote. Nada. None. His ongoing gaslighting about his record and his appeal to extremists and racists should doom him to the lowest Black and Hispanic vote support in the last 100 years in election 2024.
Copyright 2024 Clarence Lusane